File Name: global political economy theory and practice .zip
Praised for its authoritative coverage, Global Political Economy places the study of international political economy IPE in its broadest theoretical contextnow updated to cover the continuing global economic crisis and regional relationships and impacts. This text not only helps students understand the fundamentals of how the global economy works but also encourages them to use theory to more fully grasp the connections between key issue areas like trade and development. Written by a leading IPE scholar, this text equally emphasizes theory and practice to provide a framework for analyzing current events and long-term developments in the global economy.
- Global Political Economy: Theory and Practice: Paperback Edition
- Global Political Economy
- M.A. Global Political Economy and Development
- Turbulence and New Directions in Global Political Economy
Politics and International Relations. For —21, we have made some changes to how the teaching and assessment of this programme are delivered. Find out more.
The mainstream GPE theories such as Realism Economic Nationalism , Liberalism and Historical Structuralism Marxism provide a relatively clear analytical distinction while also covering a variety of sub-theories and hybrid paradigms in themselves or at times intersecting with one another in relation to the criticisms around the mainstream theories. This widely recognized analytical classification of the GPE theories owes to Cohn For the sake of clarity in relation to FDI, however, this section will not indulge in detailed definitions around these rather well-known GPE theories but instead will directly present an overview of more specific FDI theories that relate to the practice of FDI in an attempt to link the existing theoretical approaches with the practice for the better.
Global Political Economy: Theory and Practice: Paperback Edition
Download your free copy here. Global political economy is a field of study that deals with the interaction between political and economic forces. At its centre have always been questions of human welfare and how these might be related to state behaviour and corporate interests in different parts of the world. Despite this, major approaches in the field have often focused more on the international system perspective.
A side effect of this has been the relative neglect of non-elites and an all-too-often missing recognition of ordinary individuals. While states remain central to international politics, they have gradually intensified their relations with multinational corporations and strengthened their engagement with international organisations. Naturally, these changes in the world around us have led to a certain rethinking of the way we understand and position individuals as actors in the global economy.
There are various approaches to global political economy that span the political spectrum and often overlap with the perspectives covered in chapters three and four — though they are often formulated differently to incorporate economic factors. Arguably, it has been the liberal approach that has given individual actors rather than states or social groups the centre stage for analysis.
As such, liberal approaches to global political economy form the bedrock of this chapter as they offer a more tangible way to present complex issues of global economics to a beginner in a way that is relatable. The writings of liberal political economists have become so broad a church that they can include advocates of uncontrolled markets as well as supporters of strong state intervention in the market.
This is a reflection of some of the practical contradictions that Karl Polanyi first discovered in different historical manifestations of liberal ideas in the aftermath of the industrial revolution in the nineteenth century. Consider, in this respect, whether government policy takes freedom of choice away from individuals, or if the state should establish a legal order that enables individuals to make choices and function as participants in a market system.
In this account, markets are not just abstract constructs that settle demand and supply for goods through a specific price, as economists would make us believe.
Markets are, and always have been, much more. They are social phenomena embedded in broader communities and directly connected with deliberate forms of state action. As a consequence, economic, social and political life is always interconnected. In particular, the widely held belief in the advantage of a self-regulating market process carries with it a basic contradiction in so far as it leads inevitably to a severe disruption of the social fabric in different countries. This disruption can occur because of rising levels of income inequality why some are paid more than others , foreign takeovers of companies, or fundamental disagreement on what needs to be done during economic recessions to prevent social decay.
Essentially, Polanyi observed two interrelated processes that explain change in the international system. At first, free market principles dominate and the winners from liberal economic policies exert their influence for further political change.
Over time, however, the political pressures created will inevitably generate a counter-movement that is opposed to the direction of reform. Other social groups within society will articulate their interests, slow down the speed of modernisation and demand a different form of economic management and policy making. Seen from this angle, the global political economy of the twenty-first century is an attempt to embed globalising markets in transnational social relations — quite similar to what we observed historically in terms of social and economic development at the level of the nation-state.
The early heroes of the liberal approach were Adam Smith and David Ricardo. This is a process whereby consumers seek the best quality for the lowest price and this, in turn, compels successful producers to find the lowest-cost method of production.
Ricardo explicitly added the gains deriving from a system of free trade built around the principle of comparative advantage. From this point, international trade liberalisation has been seen as a useful mechanism allocating labour to its most productive uses allowing in turn a much greater consumption of goods than what would be possible in the absence of such a system. For Smith, the specialisation in working patterns and the division of labour also created new opportunities for employees to achieve personal growth and professional careers.
In the classic example, ten people working to produce pins could produce more in total if they worked together, dividing up tasks and performing each one better than if they all worked separately.
Taking these arguments into the modern era, if governments across the world de-regulated economic activity, cut taxes for the wealthy, privatised and contracted out traditional state services, then unprecedented levels of economic growth would follow.
By allowing the free movement of capital, many more people can benefit from high levels of direct investment even if employees are less mobile and more tied to a particular workplace. Thus, in the modern liberal world view, often called neoliberalism, governments are expected to be active promoters and supporters of globalisation.
Only left-leaning liberals, by contrast, recognise the increasingly global division of labour as responsible for rising levels of inequality.
What unifies liberal thinking in terms of global economics is an analytical inclusion of a variety of state and non-state actors that form relationships of mutual dependence. Therefore, the historical focus of one country being dependent on another due to a surplus in a vital commodity, like oil or gas, has gradually given way to a much more complex understanding.
This does not mean that the classic interaction between states has become obsolete, rather that it is enriched by including and explicitly recognising an ever-increasing number of other international actors such as those explored in chapters five, six and seven. Hence, the policies of one international or regional organisation may rely on the policies of another. This has been the case with the European Union and the International Monetary Fund in the management of the global financial crisis as they adopted joint programmes to assist states such as Ireland.
Another example is the successful implementation of a global environmental policy by the United Nations that benefitted significantly from collaboration with Greenpeace, an international non-governmental organisation.
In the literature, however, it has been the multinational corporation a private business operation with facilities and assets in at least two countries that has received the most attention in the search for interdependent relationships across borders. Here, as elsewhere, the liberal account does show its broad remit, leaving room for positive evaluation as well as critical reflection.
Some liberals praise the overall benefit from competition for international investments played out on the back of the rivalry between states and multinational corporations. Others, by contrast, stress the comparative disadvantage and limited success of less well-funded civil society actors when trying to change corporate behaviour on a global scale. A convenient way to accommodate individual actors in the global economy has been to see them as economically dependent workers rather than as citizens capable of bringing about social change.
The economic globalisation process has modified this perspective to some extent, with greater recognition of the integration of a diverse, but nationally based, workforce into production patterns that can span several sovereign jurisdictions and world regions. This is in contrast to what was mentioned above in classical approaches that envisioned goods and services produced from start to finish within a nation-state rather than anticipating the system of today where production spans across borders.
Technological changes have made it possible to control transnational production processes and bring together people from different parts of the world to add value to a specific good or service. By engaging in this practice enterprises can transform their business into a global operation thriving on different wage levels and a diverse set of skills in the workforce.
This naturally raises the question of how such changes in the organisation of capitalism influence the lives of everyday people. For example, if people produce only part of a good, such as a microchip for a computer, how are their wages determined? More recently, the global financial crisis has shed light on non-elite actors at the receiving end of failures in the banking system and the reckless behaviour of financial elites.
Not just blue and white-collar workers, but mortgage holders, house buyers, owners of small and medium-sized businesses, small-scale investors, shareholders, farmers, civil servants, self-employed people and students had to struggle with the implications of rescue efforts taking place simultaneously in several of the major industrialised countries.
In the aftermath of government intervention and bail-out measures, many businesses had to restructure and streamline their operations for the sake of cutting costs and maintaining competitiveness. At the same time, individuals in their capacity as voters were asked to support far-reaching reform packages, austerity policies and new government strategies for job creation and employability.
Non-elites have also been able to promote new alliances among a range of individual actors with more charitable goals such as income redistribution and equality in mind. Many left-leaning political economists have therefore placed their hope in transnational solidarity and broader social movements unified under the banner of alter-globalisation — which styles itself as an alternative to neoliberal forms of globalisation. A fundamental requirement for any such processes to work is an increasing number of people-to-people contacts developing various types of cross-border relationships.
Although governments have closely cooperated for the sake of liberalising the flow of goods, services, and capital, the same cannot be said about the flow of people. Restrictions to migration movements have become the rule rather than the exception. In a market economy, key decisions about investment, production and distribution are driven by supply and demand. This has led, as a side effect, to diverging approaches to migration control within liberal political systems.
Canada, for example, was the first nation to implement a points-based system by which entry visas are granted on the basis of specialist skills or aptitude tests.
Moreover, relative population density and regional distribution is also taken into consideration when residency permits are linked to particular jobs or states within the federal system. Such restrictions on personal freedom are accepted precisely to achieve a better goodness of fit with the demand side for immigration and the requirements of regional economies. Only gradually, and over time, are individual restrictions reduced, thus slowing down the pressures for adaptation that is expected from new arrivals as well as society as a whole.
Another example of the Polanyi-type adjustment process can be found in the area of philanthrocapitalism. These accounts show personal characteristics and entrepreneurial spirit through the activities of billionaires such as Warren Buffett, Bill Gates, George Soros and Mark Zuckerberg. This elitist circle is not just known for its wealth, but also for individual ambitions to transcend the business world and influence political leaders in their decision-making process.
Through the funding of global campaigns, each of these entrepreneurs has tried to make a difference in terms of poverty reduction, public health, educational reform and democratisation. In other words, corporate elites are actively translating individual success into altruistic behaviour on a global level. Broadly speaking, the institutional arrangements surrounding philanthrocapitalism help to safeguard core business activities while branching out into new sectors with genuine global reach and potential.
The individual actors of this emerging system use their personal wealth to construct new global policy networks that specifically include individuals from governmental and non-governmental organisations susceptible to a particular vision of the future Cooper , Therefore, personal gain, shareholder benefits or compensation for aggressive business tactics may not be at the forefront of their considerations.
Instead, corporate social responsibility in this interpretation can be seen as a form of enlightened self-interest, recognising the danger of a potential backlash from society at large to excessive market power and business influence. The Chan-Zuckerberg Initiative is a useful example of philanthrocapitalism. Its founders chose the institutional form of a limited liability company LLC rather than extending the model of a charitable trust or social fund to the global level.
This ensures that as an organisational form it can continue to generate profit and donate money to specific political causes. More traditional non-profit organisations have stricter requirements for the disclosure of information to qualify for tax exemptions, whereas LLCs have fewer rules in this respect and still allow for investment in profit-driven projects in addition to philanthropic activities.
Thus, this type of business structure offers new degrees of flexibility to move shares between separate business operations and to extract profits for the owners, if so required.
In this way, the core of the Facebook business model that generates the wealth held by Chan and Zuckerberg remains unchanged.
The ambition to do good at a global level is clearly counterbalanced by the need to generate revenue and income through a lucrative commercial service. Whether financially successful entrepreneurs with celebrity status can have a truly transformative capacity when it comes to the finding of solutions for international policy problems is open to debate. Their activities, as observed at the annual meeting of the World Economic Forum in Davos, Switzerland, at least suggest that they are increasingly recognised as important contributors to global public policy.
Fame and fortune, however, is not always the main criterion to be part of an international gathering. The independently organised World Social Forum is deliberately non-elitist in that it welcomes a broad range of civil society organisations and social movements to its annual convention. What both events have in common is the continuing effort to build transnational alliances that gradually dissolve any neat distinction between the public and the private sphere and make the global count in the study of political economy.
The industrialised state of the twenty-first century is going through significant stages of adaptation and transformation in response to economic globalisation and losing its privileged position in the international system.
Not only the rising powers of Brazil, Russia, India and China but also multinational corporations represent a serious challenge to its once dominant role. There is now little expectation that major economies will adopt a light regulation economic policy style along the lines of the once dominant US model. Instead, the notion of the competition state captures best how since the s government actors have created more business-friendly regulatory frameworks actively supporting internationally operating firms in their efforts to generate more growth and employment opportunities.
A well-trained domestic workforce becomes, in this context, an important asset to promote a particular territory for the allocation of foreign direct investment. Despite similar pressures to reduce government expenditure, states have also continued to diverge in the way they provide welfare for different social groups within their societies.
It has become popular to privatise public services and leave the task of their delivery to companies rather than the state. As a consequence, the role of the civil servant is now similar to that of a business manager overseeing the spread of markets into new areas such as education, health and security.
Yet, in line with the Polanyi-type adjustment process, government agencies and state organisations cannot entirely shed their responsibility for some of the negative effects of radical policies associated with market liberalisation, especially in trade and finance.
The budgetary resources necessary for the funding of such activities brings into perspective taxation as a main attribute of modern forms of government as well as an indicator of state power relative to other actors in the international system. As the international controversy around the tax bills of large multinational corporations like Amazon has shown, there is a general public expectation that multinational corporations should make a fair contribution to the states in which they generate their profit.
After all, for their business models to succeed they have to be able to draw on a well-developed infrastructure, an educated workforce and general health care.
Global Political Economy
Download your free copy here. Global political economy is a field of study that deals with the interaction between political and economic forces. At its centre have always been questions of human welfare and how these might be related to state behaviour and corporate interests in different parts of the world. Despite this, major approaches in the field have often focused more on the international system perspective. A side effect of this has been the relative neglect of non-elites and an all-too-often missing recognition of ordinary individuals. While states remain central to international politics, they have gradually intensified their relations with multinational corporations and strengthened their engagement with international organisations.
Please choose whether or not you want other users to be able to see on your profile that this library is a favorite of yours. Finding libraries that hold this item This new edition brings all of the burning issues right up to date: the weight of China in the IPE, the immigration crisis in Africa and the Middle East, and the shift from multilateral to regional trade schemes. Global Political Economy gracefully weaves together theory and practice, and it strikes a perfect balance between institutions, interests and actors. I look forward to assigning this next edition. Students will find it both enlightening and refreshing.
Global Political Economy. Theory and Practice. Seventh Edition. THEODORE H. COM IM. R. Routledge. Taylor & Francis Grou p. NEW YORK AND LONDON.
M.A. Global Political Economy and Development
The Series aims to publish innovative research that attempts to shed light on and advance our understanding of the forces that influence the production, reproduction and change of our social universe, and thus our multiple ways of being and becoming in the international. To meet this aim the Series will try to foster the inter- and multidisciplinary study of International Political Economy by bringing together scholars, ideas, issues, methods, methodologies, problematiques from different social science disciplines. Deploying an anarchist political ecology approach, this paper compares coal mining in Germany with wind energy development in Mexico.
During their studies, students may find out which field they want to work in after graduating. However, many students also struggle with these questions. Naturally, planning around your future can be overwhelming, especially if job profiles are not as clear-cut as in other study programmes. GPED futures tries to tackle this issue. It is a regular online format which will be organised once a semester.
Praised for its authoritative coverage, Global Political Economy places the study of international political economy IPE in its broadest theoretical contextnow updated to cover the continuing global economic crisis and regional relationships and impacts. This text not only helps students understand the fundamentals of how the global economy works but also encourages them to use theory to more fully grasp the connections between key issue areas like trade and development. Written by a leading IPE scholar, this text equally emphasizes theory and practice to provide a framework for analyzing current events and long-term developments in the global economy. Enter your mobile number or email address below and we'll send you a link to download the free Kindle App. Then you can start reading Kindle books on your smartphone, tablet, or computer - no Kindle device required.
Тогда она осторожно двинулась в направлении Третьего узла. Подойдя поближе, она увидела, что в руке Хейла зажат какой-то предмет, посверкивавший в свете мониторов. Сьюзан сделала еще несколько шагов и вдруг поняла, что это за предмет.
Turbulence and New Directions in Global Political Economy
Этот щит практически взломан. В течение часа то же самое случится с остальными пятью. После этого сюда полезут все, кому не лень. Каждый бит информации АНБ станет общественным достоянием.
После паузы, показавшейся ей вечностью, она прошептала: - Коммандер. И в тот же миг осознала свою ошибку. Она ощутила запах Хейла, но повернулась слишком поздно. И тут же забилась, задыхаясь от удушья.
Сьюзан решительно шагнула во тьму. ГЛАВА 87 Веспа выехала в тихий переулок Каретерра-де-Хуелва. Еще только начинало светать, но движение уже было довольно оживленным: молодые жители Севильи возвращались после ночных пляжных развлечений. Резко просигналив, пронесся мимо мини-автобус, до отказа забитый подростками. Мотоцикл Беккера показался рядом с ним детской игрушкой, выехавшей на автостраду. Метрах в пятистах сзади в снопе искр на шоссе выкатило такси. Набирая скорость, оно столкнуло в сторону Пежо-504, отбросив его на газон разделительной полосы.
Это могло оказаться лучшей новостью за весь день. Смит потянулся к объективу камеры, чтобы направить его в глубь кузова. На экране промелькнула внутренняя часть мини-автобуса, и перед глазами присутствующих предстали два безжизненных тела у задней двери. Один из мужчин был крупного телосложения, в очках в тонкой металлической оправе с разбитыми стеклами. Второй - молодой темноволосый, в окровавленной рубашке. - Халохот - тот, что слева, - пояснил Смит. - Он мертв? - спросил директор.
- Она давно уехала. Отправилась в аэропорт несколько часов. Самое место, где толкнуть колечко: богатые туристы и все такое прочее. Как только получит денежки, так и улетит. Беккер почувствовал тошноту. Это какая-то глупая шутка. Он не находил слов.
Сейф Бигглмана представляет собой гипотетический сценарий, когда создатель сейфа прячет внутри его ключ, способный его открыть. Чтобы ключ никто не нашел, Танкадо проделал то же самое с Цифровой крепостью. Он спрятал свой ключ, зашифровав его формулой, содержащейся в этом ключе.
Где же. Наверняка Сьюзан уже начала волноваться. Уж не уехала ли она в Стоун-Мэнор без. Раздался сигнал, после которого надо было оставить сообщение.
Пользователь писал письмо, пропускал его через специальную программу, и на другом конце линии адресат получал текст, на первый взгляд не поддающийся прочтению, - шифр. Тот же, кто перехватывал такое сообщение, видел на экране лишь маловразумительную абракадабру. Расшифровать сообщение можно было лишь введя специальный ключ - секретный набор знаков, действующий как ПИН-код в банкомате. Ключ, как правило, был довольно длинным и сложным и содержал всю необходимую информацию об алгоритме кодирования, задействуя математические операции, необходимые для воссоздания исходного текста.
Она была его помощницей, прекрасным техником лаборатории систем безопасности, выпускницей Массачусетс кого технологического института. Она часто работала с ним допоздна и, единственная из всех сотрудников, нисколько его не боялась. Соши посмотрела на него с укором и сердито спросила: - Какого дьявола вы не отвечаете. Я звонила вам на мобильник. И на пейджер .